Saturday, 16 April 2016

ethnocentricity as fatigue as malice





Ethnocentricity as fatigue as malice; or, what just didn’t happen

Sandeep Parmar (editorial in issue 31 of The Wolf, 2014) has just published an essay about ethnic minorities in poetry where she says that people are unwilling to talk about the subject. This seems to irritate people so I think it’s beneficial to do some such talking. This is not going to end up giving everyone gold stars so I guess that may explain why people avoid the topic.

 Parmar cites another essay (”Delusions of Whiteness in the Avant Garde”, by Cathy Park Hong) which is reported to be about the American avant-garde’s belief that rejecting Republican values (crudely) makes them politically innocent and neutral (this is the “delusion of whiteness”) and so that there is no need for further engagement with poetry by ethnic minorities - whose critique of dominant American traditions (and the propaganda for the avant garde has been overwhelmingly nationalistic in the USA) is assumed to be anticipated and rolled-up and answered by the critique which founded the official poetic avant-garde. She also published a much more detailed essay (in the Los Angeles Review of Books, 2015, available on-line) from which some quotes are as follows. (BAME means “Black and minority ethnic” and seems to exclude Irish, Scottish, or Welsh. The acronym BME seems to be more common in Britain.)

>>It can only be a good thing that British poetry publishing is slowly becoming more racially diverse. But is it enough for poets of color to simply win prizes and appear more frequently in publishers’ catalogs? Does this adequately challenge a national tradition in which so few ethnically diverse voices have been historically heard? I worry increased visibility of BAME poets is superficial and, when the dust settles, British poetry will return to a largely monochromatic, monolingual expression of sameness. The literary establishment here needs to rethink the subject matter, aesthetic modes, and assumptions about “literariness” made about poets of color in the United Kingdom. 
While it won a major UK award, Claudia Rankine’s Citizen is a striking example of exactly what is not happening in popular British poetry.
[...]

Both contemporary avant-garde poetry in the United Kingdom, with its dispersal of the lyric “subject” through linguistic process, and the British mainstream’s Movement-inspired poem leave little room for expressions of complex identity and difference. At times, in the hands of a BAME poet the lyric form can become a beguiling call toward the homogenous white space of intimate revelation and universality. Expressions of difference enact a kind of closure that erases the ambiguities and subjectivities upon which poetry depends — after all, as bell hooks reminds us, “language is a place of struggle.” And while no one wishes, least of all me, to argue that BAME poets should or should not write about specific subjects, the singular lyric voice should not merely reproduce poetic sameness through an universal “I” or self-fetishizing difference through a poetic diction of otherness.

Contemporary British poetry lacks a vocabulary to speak about race, and a willingness to be critical, despite this happening elsewhere in literary and cultural studies.

How is it possible that only a few poets of color in the United Kingdom appear in anthologies, magazines, reading series, presses dedicated solely to innovative and experimental poetics? How is it that the centers of “radical” poetics — the supposedly progressive, Marxist annex within overwhelmingly white universities — willingly exclude poets of color from their registers? Especially those who partake in the dreaded work of “identity politics”? One recent example is Emily Critchley’s anticipated follow-up to Maggie O’Sullivan’s Out of Everywhere: Linguistically Innovative Poetry by Women in North America & the UK (1996), which has just been published. Out of 44 experimental women poets, it appears that three are of Asian descent (Sascha Akhtar, Mei-mei Berssenbrugge, and Myung Mi Kim) and only one is black (the British poet Elizabeth-Jane Burnett) — a total of two North American and two UK writers of color. I can think of several inexplicable omissions — a jaw-droppingly long list that would include Harryette Mullen, Bhanu Kapil, Evie Shockley, and M. NourbeSe Philip, and even slightly more mainstream British poets Sarah Howe and Vahni Capildeo [.]  <<

Poetry is not a study, I don’t think.
I emailed Sandeep about this, in connection with some other things.

>> […] about ethnic identification. I read your article and it is very interesting. I do agree with it. I have to say that where you describe Emily as “excluding” certain people, it might seem to EC and others that they spend all day including people, to the point of exhaustion, and it is only post factum that their activity is defined as excluding people all day. I think there is an equality (& diversity) problem with the uptake of BAME poets, and it has to do with empathy fatigue. Empathy is powerful but gets tired quickly. When the Cambridge Conference of Contemporary Poetry was happening, German poets used to come over and there would be almost no audience for them. Kevin and Leslie got them over and got funding from German arts bodies, I would translate them, which was bloody difficult, and then there would be 20 people in the audience. Everyone stayed in the bar. They were right there, in the building next to where the poetry was. This was mild xenophobia. Karlien explained it to me, as the students (others too) were willing to go to English and American poets but it stopped there. European poets didn’t count. Anyway, if everyone you know is in the bar, it is attractive to stay there, you would follow if everyone else left to go to the gig. So I think this is probably true for BAME poets. Did you carry out a xenophobic act? no, I just stayed in the bar. When Romana organised an Anglo-American conference, about 15 (?) years ago, in Michigan or somewhere, and busloads of English poet/ideologues were there, I was told that when there was a talk about an English poet the Americans weren’t in the auditorium. They were in the cafe or possibly even in the bar. If it was about Americans, they had to go, but if it was somebody English it was obviously Totally Unimportant and time for an extended coffee klatsch and networking session. Hi, I think you’re so great, please plug my next book. These are the silent rules. It’s a little hard to see who makes them. People are centric, they get out of being egocentric but move into being group-centric.
I think it’s good to talk about these things. Reflexivity is desirable even if people resist it all they can. These aren’t conscious decisions and there is no rule-making forum which deliberates.
I spoke of empathy fatigue. I think it needs a bit of a jog.
I calculated/ guessed that there are 9000 people in Britain who have published at least one book of poetry. The figure may be wrong. Anyway, there is no institutional power of comparable magnitude. There is no institution which would bring about justice. Who are you going to sue? Instead there is something spontaneous and ineffective. It does seem possible that we now have a grasp on what happened in the 70s, although the “we” may not be able to get that view across. It took a long time to reach this.<<

I doubt this was very convincing. Actually, this exchange filled me with a pervasive sense of doubt.
My voluble and excitable critical career has NOT involved talking about the topic which Sandeep says we want to avoid. Except for me banging on about Wales and Scotland, which involves majorities rather than minorities. Am I an ethnic minority or not. Maybe we could run through the findings again. If you take the subjective act of identification and projection as an action sequence, you can imagine it being filmed. And then, the film being examined frame by frame to find the patterns. This is like what athletes do with film of their running actions and so on - things they can’t see but need to be hyper-aware of. If you could look at a film of poetic subjectivity, you would find a systematic bias towards the in-group the reader belongs to - so egocentricity, group-egocentricity, “centricity” in general. So minority ethnic poets don’t get the uptake, in anthologies, maybe in reviews or textbooks, probably in bookshop sales, probably in live audience response, which they deserve. The poem-response does not involve the language of the poem, only, but also preverbal identification with the people in the poem, so the person speaking as much as other people. This identification, this occupation of another self, is ethnocentric, as well as being egocentric, and in practice there is a White Anglo-American in-group and this diffuse, unarticulated, self-domain is a factor in the appreciation of contemporary poetry. Due to the influence of television and popular music on the socialisation of children growing up since about 1960, or maybe 1956, Americans are readily accepted as identification objects in Britain, and so the in-group can sensibly be called “Anglo-American“.



Just to recap, we never did photograph that process. So my version might not be true. It’s just that I feel it’s like that, and this feeling is shared by a lot of people. If you ever come to look at anthologies over the period 1960-2010 (let’s say), it is very noticeable how few “minority ethnics” are found in those pages.
I can’t make any clear statements about this “in group” thing, but, as Sandeep said, people find it hard to talk about, and I think just by talking about it we can make progress on this thing. Talking might help unconscious decisions rise to the surface and become visible. We are talking about empathy fatigue, and trying to reach people about this is like waking them up. It is by definition where consciousness and interest have stopped. Until they wake up they obviously can’t hear you at all.
I am much more emotionally involved in the silent exclusion of Welsh and Scottish poets than in, say, South Asian poets.
Obviously, the centric effect is not the only one in operation, and there is also an exoticism effect, where something strange is much more stimulating than something familiar, and indeed poetry has to be strange to some extent. If we consider archaeology, it is apparent that the search for ancestors means that people look for an in-group which they belong to in the first millennium BC. This is absurd, but if you read the literature it is obviously happening. But if you look at British Museum exhibitions, the two most popular they ever had were the Gold of Tutankhamun and the Terracotta Warriors. So, both from another continent. The market is not rigidly ethnocentric. Of course both those exhibitions were associated with supreme secular power, monarchs who possessed staggering power, and artefacts built to embody that power.
We also have to mention the aspiration to equality. People genuinely want culture to be fair, not predisposed to leave some people out in the cold. This impulse can either take the form of anxiety which puts you off the pleasures of culture, or of denying the suggestion that the poetry culture is biased towards the dominant ethnic group. Further, the basis is spontaneous and personal, whereas the egalitarian drives come mainly, or seem to come mainly, from the government, from officials who are structurally inhibited from pushing their personal views - but who recognise the whole spectrum of citizens as their target and, indeed, as their employers and bosses. It is hardly a secret that grant awarding bodies have put pressure on publishers, possibly also event organisers, to take on more poets from ethnic minorities. This may have had the corollary of publishing books that the public isn’t very interested by (and which possibly haven’t been looked after very carefully by editors). One more thing - the border of the “in-group” can change in five minutes. The edges of these “domains of the self” are remarkably soft - their capacity for change is so prominent, and drawing a map that embodies the limit of identification is dubious because the border has probably moved by the time you have drawn the map. The “in-group” for poetry is evidently Anglo-American; due to the prominence of television and pop music in the socialisation of children since 1960 or so, it is easy for British people to identify with Americans in art and there is no real barrier. This connects with the way literature is taught in schools. While this is a culture on a large geographical scale, it is hardly an in-group with no out-groups.
You can’t have a multi-cultural society made up of monocultural individuals. Of course the immigrants, first second or third generation, etc., are bicultural and it is the “old northwest Europeans” who are monocultural. My point is that it is feasible for grant-awarding institutions to be multi-cultural. It does seem like a collaborative thing, a thing provided by institutions. The government belongs to everybody but culture belongs to the people who enjoy it.
Sandeep also pours scorn on the dislike of the “alternative” poetry scene for the politics of identity. I can’t agree with this. The idea that poems are just vehicles for a personality is dangerous, because every personality has equal value and it seems likely that poems have unequal value. To explain what happens, we do better to shift axis and say that a poem is a piece of linguistic technology and that this is known to few people, comparable to the knowledge of how to write a program in C. Obviously much of the discourse around poetry acts as if poems were no more than lumps of personality. The residual elements of narcissism and group narcissism within the poetic field are essential but very hard to articulate. No particular words or syllables of the poem record this element, and analysis of it is retarded. It is likely to cause particular problems to people perceived as outsiders - immigrants, for example. Uncertainty must hinder the act of identification, which relies on inner certainty. Conclusion - hostility to a person means hostility to their art. You can’t wrench this back to objectivity. If identity politics is the central pattern, then the alternative poetry scene is completely wrong and has to disappear.
I am not aware of any actual text where someone claims that Underground poetry, by dint of its link with the New Left and so its ability to subvert capitalism and bourgeois values, is offering liberation to ethnic minorities. If that position exists, it has obvious flaws. First, the promise to overthrow bourgeois society has been devalued somewhat after 45 years of not being honoured. Secondly, I don’t understand why poets from ethnic minorities would desist from writing poetry on the grounds that the message had already been delivered by the stars of the Poetry Underground. This does not seem to claim that Underground poetry since 1972 has been unnecessary because the stars have already written the real story. I think the claim is more “because we are totally ignored outside a tiny niche we don’t have cultural power and so if you are angry about the cultural power structure we are not to blame and refuse to feel guilty anyway”. That is more plausible. Actually, it means that the scene had to disappear in order to become the Underground.
People want to say, “I changed the rules”. This is a pervasive fantasy, and the scene is largely made up of fantasies. This one needs the assumption that there are rules which everyone else is following. This may be wholly untrue. If 3000 people say, quite loudly, “I changed the rules”, it is easy to get the impression that the rules have changed. But, maybe they haven’t. Maybe another 20 people making a career doesn’t change any rules at all.

Weakness of empathy

Empathy and intuition are so much the foundation of the poetry scene that to understand the way things happen we have to offer a critique of them. They are partial, inefficient, spasmodic, easily tired. They date back, as a form of knowledge, to the Palaeolithic, and they are inaccurate. They are not particularly compatible with justice and equality. The poetry world is all founded on the sovereignty of empathy. In the end we have to draft a critique of empathy, it is too structural to the landscape to be pushed behind a screen of awe and silence. Around the edge of warmth we find the cold. Cold, cold, cold. There is a limit to how far you can write about the poetry world under this ancient and feudal sovereignty without stubbing your toe on the problems of empathy. It just isn’t going to reach the outer fringes, and people are so happy to issue entire books which don’t mention any Scottish or Welsh poets. You don’t want to go there, so why would you want to read poems about there?
If I could dwell on one cell for a longer moment, it is that the government officials may be less biased than the individuals following empathy and subjective wishes. The scene may need cold and indifferent governmental processes to balance its in-built favouritism and loyalty and centricity.

What is justice?

If you look at the scene and decide that (other) people make the right decisions only 5% of the time, that might also mean that 95% of people disagree with you and that, really, this is a measure of how different you are from other people. Suppose you belong to an in-group which extends to 5% of the whole realm. That might be a little large to enjoy the notorious benefits of being an in-group, preserving warmth and loyalty. The wish for it to grow outwards and take over 100% of the territory might be projective rather than the voice of reason and necessity. Could the “picture” be described as blanking out the 95% of the realm that belongs to other people? just not being interested by them and not recognising their right to occupy territory and to make judgments? The majority of discourse directed by poets boils down to an argument for their own work to get more love, fame, admiration, attention, praise. This extends quite readily to similar arguments in favour of their in-group. It is difficult to re-normalise these impassioned and organic utterances of need to something that you could call public or accountable or rational. And the unmediated cries of need just cancel each other out. One poet is quite happy for another hundred poets to be cropped out of the picture and have their microphone mysteriously go dead. The only way for one faction to win and have their ideas become “official” is when the other factions fall off the boat and can’t get heard.
Suppose we have 10,000 people [in Britain] who have published at least one book of poetry. It may be more. This is a large number. It is growing all the time. How can you take this number in and still assert that everyone gets their little bit of fame, that there is a slice of the pizza for everyone? It doesn’t stand up. But if it doesn’t stand up, how can there be a basic situation of justice proportionately distributed to everyone, so that deviations from that would show up as anomalies? where is this basic situation situated? 
There is a problem of defining how much recognition anyone gets, much easier for dramatic incidents which probably aren’t typical. Poets are obsessed by recognition but there are several steps between burning resentment and an objective view of success & reputation which would then be the basis for serious critique. Poets are obsessed by praise and find it difficult to reach an objective view of it. How much praise does any poet deserve? This is hard to agree about. And how much exposure, praise, recognition does any particular poet get? In a poetry scene which has 200 magazines, dozens of readings series, and an uncounted number of Internet sites, it is demanding to count up how much recognition any individual gets. This takes hard labour rather than just a feeling of need and being rejected. How on earth do you measure if anyone gets more than they deserve? I can see that if you start with an overwhelming feeling of Injustice, then stopping to measure anything is just a waste of time, a bourgeois evasion of Facts which everyone already knows. But the scene is so big. If you can’t produce a convincing measure of two quantities, merit and reward, it is doubtful then that you can assert that there is a disproportion between them. Better research is called for, I think. A way of measuring recognition that has objective results would be useful, even if it only applied to a finite subset of the poets of interest. Counting reviews could yield interesting results, although I don’t see anyone doing that. Surely we need a convincing measure of the success of at least one poet, and a measure of their merit which is agreed by different factions. Lacking that, it is hard to see how you can reasonably scale up to talking about the degree of justice allotted to a hundred, or four hundred, or a thousand, poets. I am suggesting that the work has not been done and that intuition is not enough to propel public debate.
Is there any point to writing about poetry unless to move towards justice?
My problem with all this is that the transition to a scene where a few poets decide what is the proper way to behave and what is Wrong means that poetry readers are faced with a setup where they are being scored out of 10 for their ability to be poetry readers. I think this is incompatible with cultural freedom, pleasure, and volition. It is unable to happen but it is fraught with problems even in partial implementation. If you dislike the people who actually buy and read poetry, your ability to write something which pleases them is going to be severely abridged. The idea of the empirical bias is, among other things, that inherited prejudices and class solidarity are things you have cast off as outdated. The idea that culture is based on narcissistic acquisition of pleasurable sensations belongs to the suppressed zone and is consciously rejected by key players.

I think there is an underlying metaphor based on the coming of American independence. This has several steps:
A naturally separate group exists on a heroic frontier
They are spoken of and talked down by reactionaries at the centre who wear ridiculous clothes
You get hold of muskets and shoot your way out
You achieve autonomy and control vast amounts of territory
You expand into this territory, the population of which miraculously disappears
You are transformed by autonomy into maturity

 This is really “what happened in history” and it is hard to get away from. (That is, Anglo-American history.) But it is unrealistic for ethnic minorities to address the mainstream cultural market through these episodes. You can’t define the cultural realm as territory without defining the cultural consumers on that territory as beings enfieffed to your ideas and having to behave in a certain way laid down by you. The metaphor has this implication, that “you are on our land and have to follow our laws”. As a metaphor, it inevitably blocks an understanding of the cultural market - where consumers do exactly what they want.


Shared scenarios

 It’s pretty obvious that the most prestigious poetry tends to be written by the people with the most formal education, and within that group, even, by people closest to a sociocultural norm of families with a long tradition of speaking English. The acquisition of poetry-fertile qualities, that is, seems to start in early childhood rather than, say, at age eighteen. Hardly less obviously, the people who ascribe this prestige (i.e. successfully ascribe prestige, in contrast to rather large numbers of people unsuccessfully ascribing it) themselves conform to this pattern. There is a geographical factor (if we divide Western Europe into subjectively cold and warm zones then it is obvious that peripheral areas are relatively “cold” and that Wales and Scotland are less attractive as areas to come from) but as American poets do not suffer from this it seems likely that language use is very important. Poetry tests linguistic knowledge more deeply than any other exercise, so it may be that the way in which the English language is acquired is significant to what kind of poetry you write.
Because the educated classes implicitly believe that what they embody is high skills at empathy and high openness to individual merit, the idea that there are silent blocks against people from immigrant families is massively unacceptable. Voicing it marks you as a dissident. Ethically unacceptable might mean "intellectually valid".

Writing a poem may involve use of an inherited code which is of obvious complexity, although not so complex that an individual brain cannot master it. This code is implicit and I am unable to formulate it. It is acquired chiefly by reading messages written in it - however, that may be an incomplete concept, as vital parts of the transmission may happen during face to face interaction with older speakers. If you live far away and know poetry only from books, the way you read the books may not be enough to let you grasp the code. Eliot was preoccupied with the idea of this Tradition; it has become deeply unfashionable among later strata of critics (employed in an education industry which is instructed to deliver social mobility and so to make tradition packageable) but this may inhibit them from seeing what is actually going on.
A book called Ways of Sensing (by Howe and Classen, 2014, the title is an allusion to Ways of Seeing) talks about the symbolic forms of the Desana people: “In one image the human brain … consists of layers of innumerable hexagonal honeycombs. … Each tiny hexagonal container holds honey of a different color, flavor, odor, or texture or it houses a different stage of larval development. … A brain can be seen as a bouquet of flowers, a fluttering cluster of butterflies, a glistening swarm of tiny tropical fish, or a quivering mass of multicolored frogs.” The coding is described as arbitrary but stable - synaesthesia could form associations in any direction. An initial freedom is exchanged for a later stability, and this process is the formation of culture. The associations relate to experiences while using a psychedelic drug from a plant called yage or ayahuasca. In this people’s theory of sensory correlations “colours emanate from the light of the Sun or Moon and then combine with heat to produce corresponding sets of odour and flavours. Purple, for example, is said to come from the moon and is linked to a rotten smell and acid flavour [.]”

If a culture has a stable coding for an arbitrary set of associations, that argues for a process of destructive coding. It is destructive because it wipes out other possibilities- it stays in place and is recollected. This memorised quality is what makes it collective. The destructive quality is what makes it specific to a culture, different from the neighbouring tribe.
If we accept that very complex codings are shared and at the basis of our collective culture, it becomes obvious why an outsider would be reluctant to create cultural structures which rely on that coding. Simultaneously we have the definition of an outsider (it’s someone who has trouble with the coding). Because the code is complicated, it is difficult to use and only a minority can create new assemblages of signs, as opposite to participating in shared realisations of the completed sets. English culture may be, to a much greater extent than we usually believe, based on founding scenes which are remembered and repeated.
People want to believe in their radical originality. That may not be a true idea- it may be much more true that they create within a universe of pre-existing symbolic relationships. So if an outsider creates something radically new because based on ignorance - it may fall flat. The English language is obviously a pre-existing set of relationships.

 Another Desana image sees the brain as “formed by a bundle of pencil-shaped hexagonal tourmaline crystals” which produce sound waves. Woo!

Relatively few individuals who have English as an additional language (code for immigrants, or rather from immigrant families) publish poetry. This may well reflect a perception that poetry has a close relationship with levels of the English language which are incalculable and implicit and likely to make your efforts go wrong. Other branches of art are less subject to invisible problems. Moreover, there is no living to be made out of poetry. The situation may be comparable to demographic patterns for barristers: there are now quite a few barristers from South Asian or Caribbean backgrounds, although there were few in the 1960s. This may parallel the pattern for poets. You don’t get to be a barrister by deciding in the first place that the law is ridiculous. 
Half a century ago, during the education revolution which brought secondary and higher education to millions of people from the working classes, the perceptions of these outsiders becoming insiders were articulated very frequently and offer a description of the English middle class and its mechanisms of defence. The cultural politics of the last 35 years (I mean roughly 1979 to 2015) have involved a consistent switching of this kind of discourse to a branch line. It is not listened to and is frequently described as boring. However, its validated results are likely to explain the relationship between those other outsiders, the first or second generation immigrants, and the culture around poetry. Giving right explanations is not necessarily the way to gain prestige and popularity among the people whose conduct you are explaining.
There may be a simplified English, just as there is a simplified Welsh used by learners who acquire it as a second language. It may be that this actually explains the phenomenon of dumbed-down poetry, and that the work of several hundred poets fits into this category. It is not likely to impress connoisseurs of poetry. The literary code, most probably, was developed to make ambitious poetry possible. (The language of pop lyrics may have a close relationship to this simplified poetry; and the lost strata of language work more with the rational faculties than with the affective ones.) Dance, and music, and clothes, may be easier to translate across cultures than language. They are more detached from daily life and yet less artificial. This may not be true for all forms of music (for example).

(The Desana material comes from research by G Reichel-Dolmatoff.)

The definition of outsiders raises the spectre of a group which already believes that they are the outsiders and that they have overthrown every assumption of literature - along with them, evidently, the prejudices of the middle class. But the market position of this group suggests that they use an implicit and obscure code far more than mainstream poets. In fact, that might be a way of defining their site. Their texts are baffling to outsiders, and that includes the professional literary critics of the day, paid to review them. The deletion of connectives made the texts more subtle and open to possibilities, but also made them baffling and frustrating. The claim to cultural openness does not match especially well with an audience that has an amazing knowledge of the history of modernism and critical theory. If it was open, wouldn’t there be an audience which has no specialist knowledge, like most of the population?
The outsider franchise is enclosed.

 
Resistance

 
I can imagine someone resisting this idea of being “centric” and “group-egocentric” but I can’t take this resistance seriously. However, I will discuss it because it could be part of the landscape. I did some quantitative work on an anthology by Kenneth Allott, a standard anthology for Penguin called in one incarnation “The Penguin Book of Mid-century Poetry”, subtitle 1918-60. When I say “quantitative work“ I mean a quantitatively very small quantity of quantitative work. The upshot was that 40.8% of the poets he had anthologised had attended Oxford University. Which, by a complete coincidence, he had himself attended. So this is the concrete example of the “in-group”. It documents “group egocentricity” as one of the bases of spontaneous aesthetic choice. I am suggesting that the presence of Black and ethnic minority poets in the British poetry scene is astonishingly slender for essentially the same reason. Further quantitative work would be possible but I think there is no case to answer. Group egocentricity is the central place. Allott was very keen on “close reading”, the unique selling point of proper academics in the mid-century, and his anthology is ruined by including his phobic and authoritarian “close readings” which occupy almost as many words as the poems. The idea of this close reading, which an uncounted number of schoolchildren had to learn to pass exams, was to get away from uncontrolled subjectivity, which of course would include group egocentricity. That figure of 40.8% does not seem to support this claim of getting away strongly. In fact, the problem of sociologically stained subjectivity was present already in the 1920s, when Close Reading was being developed as a way of certification of fitness, and if it doesn’t look very good today that is after people fretting about it for most of a century. My guess is that group egocentricity is just as powerful today as it was in 1950, when Allott was working on his high-sales anthology. I can’t really measure it, but how many well-known British South Asian or Caribbean poets are there?

 
Transmission

If there are 2700 books of poetry being published every year, which is what we are told, then evidently most of them are going to disappear leaving almost no trace. Equally evidently, no critic is going not read all 2700. [the figure comes from Randal Stevenson but may not be completely accurate as a count of "new poetry"] The decision about which books will survive and reach “daylight” is made by experts on the basis of a prior filtering process. Roughly, made by experts on a basis of ignorance. It is this filtering process which we would have to reform, if reform is desirable. An individual committed to poetry decides what to read on the basis of advice: other readers push books towards them, whether this happens via anthologies, magazines, reviews, bulletin boards, selecting poets for live readings, or simply personal messages. This network involving humans and information is more important than the dispositions of individuals. Its effect is to ensure the emergence into daylight of a few books; the poets not selected are resentful about this, but the alternative might be for no books at all to emerge into daylight. I spoke about Allott’s anthology in terms of Allott, but this is unlikely to be fair, because he was not an extremist, and his choices were undoubtedly suggested and validated by a network of peers, in which he had participated between going up to Oxford (in about 1932?) and 1960, when he finished the expanded, 1962, edition of the anthology (originally 1950). The real object of study is the network, not the individual.  He was smooth, had allies, and was successful - so his personality just cannot be the issue.
I have interviewed quite a few poets, and they often mention face to face interactions. That is, it’s all in the books but you get to the books because you hang out with people who guide you to them. If you get these experiences then you penetrate to the inside of it all. Poets hang out with poets. It is private but not secret. The prevalence of variants of the traditional code makes it even more difficult to write poetry. It may be written up as freedom but actually it makes for more invisible rules and more ways of being wrong. Actually, even if you get the books you may read them in the wrong way.
How do you acquire prestige among your peers? Well, it would seem that a history of past intelligent decisions is key. People are always disappointed when they discover that they don’t have peer prestige and that their recommendations of poets are in practice ignored. Eventually, the “shared map” stabilises, and some poets emerge as being part of the legacy (while others vanish). This is the collective effort of several cultural networks, and may reproduce the values of the network as well as those of the poetry. Individual critics only evaluated the poetry they read, and the major effect of prejudice was felt in the processes pre-deciding which books they read, not in the actual reading. Sigh. If you want to replace the network, what do you replace it with?
As this might imply, I think close reading is the most desirable cultural tool. Everybody has a personality, but few people can write poetry. We are interested in the poetry, not the personality of someone we have never met. So it is valid to restrict everything to examination of the texts. This is going to work well for people from ethnic minorities who can actually write, and expose poets with rich in-group connections who can’t write. Moreover, it is a focus which will push forward excellent books based on their contents, and those books will reach library shelves and so on complete with their content. The reader gets to read the poems, not to take home a personality in a shopping bag. Close reading protects production standards and improves the commodity which our business is producing. It didn’t cause the shortcomings of Allott’s work, those shortcomings were injected at several other stages of the reception process.

I believe that “we” now have an effective map of what happened in the 1970s. I feel we are ready now to produce an anthology of “British poetry 1960-90”, on the lines of Allott’s book. That is not to say that such an anthology currently exists. It may be decades before we have such a map of the period 2000-2015. The volume of poetry coming out is just so huge. There was a 35 year delay in assimilating the material from the 1970s, when a maximum of 800 books were coming out annually.


Conclusion

I am not sure we have got anywhere but I have to stop anyway. I am thinking about a dance where the attendants mainly do know each other but come from several different groups, perhaps several different schools, so the groups are strangers to each other. If you let the individuals choose their partners, very little mixing will take place. Actually, some people will not get to dance very much and some people will be frustrated. If the people in control decide that there is going to be formation dancing, not partners, then that issue can be made to vanish. Everyone gets to dance a lot and everyone encounters strangers and has a kind of intimacy with them, shared physical excitement and the mood evoked by the music. Mixing takes place. So, we hear that particular publishers were told by granting bodies, Publish more poets from ethnic minorities or you lose your grant. This is not a public message so it may also be non-factual. I can’t verify it. The result may well be that some books come out which their publisher doesn’t like very much. The result might also be that individual inhibitions and levels of cultural exhaustion are locked out of the decision process, and what emerges is fairer. Mixing takes place. So I think this is the way to direct the power of public funding. The in-group can expand and the “cultural managers” can help it to expand. Also I think individual choice is influenced by inhibitions, and needs pushing at certain points. Intimacy and inhibitions are inseparable.


Postscript

 This is not vital but is interesting as gossip. Allott states in his Introduction that “It is a representative collection of English verse written between 1918 and 1960.” This cannot in fact be true - he was trying for the best poetry, not the average. The inhibition about stating that was that he was, most probably, including poetry which he did not like. This is an interesting fissure. Already then, an expert was seeing personal preference as distinct from expertise. I think he disliked some poems because he attacks them in his prose forewords, or indictments, to each one. But also, there are clearly poems he does not understand and is unwilling to give the seal of validation to. Thus on p. 390 we have him saying he can’t follow the Geoffrey Hill poems (‘Annunciations‘, 1 and 2) which he prints. “I can understand ‘Annunciations’ only in the sense that cats and dogs may be said to understand human conversations (i.e. they grasp something by the tone of the speaking voice) [.]“ Evidently he wrote to Hill and said “Explain yourself“. And then he prints Hill’s explanations, which we have to get through before reaching the poems. I think 1960 was about the last time when a critic could say to a poet, What does this mean. It was the 1950s - and poets actually wanted to be understood. Advanced poetry has since then plunged into an ocean of complete subjectivity. One effect of this was to restrict the “audible realm” of the poem to an in-group and so to make the power of the in-group, and centric effects, also complete and unrestricted.

It seems to me that such inclusions are an example of Allott bowing to the wishes of the in-group when they conflicted with his personal perceptions. That is admirable, but it points to the next step, of inquiring who was in that in-group. The step after that is to ask if its field of vision covered all of English poetry or just a segment. But really, it was so easy in 1960. The number of poets around was so small.

 PPS
April 2016

 Sandeep read this and says she just doesn't accept "empathy fatigue": "I don't believe in empathy fatigue as you do. I have yet to see real empathy in places where the avant-garde exist." So this argument will go on. I think my personal reference group CAN do empathy and is NOT the avant-garde. Yes, many people regard empathy as "residual bourgeois humanism" and want it to be stamped out of the poem.


 
have no idea why the system keeps changing stretches of text to double spacing. it does not seem amenable to my wishes and suggestions.
 

 

 

 

 

Sunday, 13 March 2016

The New Image of Celticity


The New Image of Celticity

 

I am looking at the editorial of British Archaeology (Sept-October 2015), greeting a lavish prestige exhibition on The Celts at the British Museum in London: “It is with Celts, however, that academic and public versions of history seem to diverge more than any other time. […] many archaeologists say Celts never existed.” The editor hedges his bets: “There may never have been Celts, but there were Celtic fashions and crafts”[.] Classical writers never apply the word “Celt” to Britain. Calling the ancient British or Irish Celts is a misnomer. Those people actually existed even if we simply call them Western Indo-Europeans. Has a historical mythology of celticity been constructed? And what elements of actuality do we have left if we blow and cause the fragile and fumy mythology to dissolve?

 

Fortunately, a great deal of very astute and fundamental and compelling work has already been done on this problem. A range of writers have demolished the notion, developed in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, of the sociological link between Celtic languages and the Hallstatt and La Tene cultures, and between those societies and the British societies which, many centuries later, spoke languages known in a classificatory way as Celtic. The genetic link between barbarian aristocrats in Central Europe and similar in Ireland and Britain has been severed.

According to Almagro-Gorbea, the new image started around 1980 and is mainly the product of British archaeologists affected by theory, i.e. by scepticism about the stories validated and written by mid-century archaeologists. The disbelief in frequent and large-scale migrations is on important part of this. It would be wrong to leave out Raimund Karl - this is not merely a British phenomenon (and there has been no committed resistance by Continental archaeologists). The volume “The Celts in Theory”, edited by Karl and by David Spitzer, is a handy anthology of the critics of the historical myth of Celtdom.

 

The older theory involved four rings which it was necessary to have slide over each other and coincide. These were the historical narrative of Classical writers, the fragmentary records of Celtic language on the Continent, and the deposit pattern of artefact styles called Hallstatt and La Tene. The fourth ring was the antecedents of the British, since the theory held that there had been a cultural river flowing westwards from the Hallstatt centre in Austria, and that this had (somehow) pushed further West to engulf Britain - where languages of the family labelled “Celtic” were found being spoken, quite abundantly, by about 600 AD. The idea that these four things could fit over each other was a breakthrough at the time. It is associated particularly with Henri Hubert and TGE Powell, although others may have held this idea rather earlier. Hubert’s book was published in 1914 and Powell’s in 1958. The new wave has not yet succeeded in finding the first statement which links the “four rings”. It was a breakthrough, in a way. A recent and unmoderated statement of the theory is in Atlas of the Celts, by John Haywood (2001).

 

One aspect of this four ring theory is as prehistoric English imperialism. In order to supply the ancestors of the people of Britain, there had to be a coherent ethnographical narrative. As Celtic languages were so well evidenced in the British Isles, where they were still widely spoken in 1900, then the Celts had to come into existence to supply the back story for those ancestors. The coherence of the legendary about the Celts resembles, therefore, the firmness of the belief of Victorian scholars in their ancestry. A variant on this was the projective nationalism of French and Irish scholars, equally willing to find ancestors for their own ethnic groups - heroic, noble, and successful, if possible. Napoleon founded an Academie Celtique whose mandate was something like promoting the military prowess of the Celts as ancestors of the French, in order to project Napoleon’s Empire into prehistory.

 

The first ring: the Keltoi of classical historians

 

It may be helpful if we go back to an older book, H. J. Massingham’s Pre-Roman Britain (1927). It is a sixpenny book from Benn’s sixpenny library, a sort of predecessor of Penguins, and HJ’s qualifications to write it were no more than a fluency with words and an amateur interest in the deep past. He was probably recommended by one of his associates in the “Children of the Sun” school, for example W.J. Perry, an unlucky link as it may seem to us now that the school has been consigned to the outer realms of Deep Time crackpottery (or psychoceramics). He says of the arriving Celts: “these men were swift-moving warriors and they broke up the megalithic civilisation of Britain, as their kinsmen did that of Spain and Minoan Crete.” (p.72)... “The Celts were deficient in constructive works […] for the very simple reasons that their energies were diverted into a different channel. Their mission was primarily a destructive one”[.] “the Celtic crematory urn is much coarser and of more careless workmanship than the “Beaker” is, […] Their system of cultivation was mean and sparsely distributed in comparison with the patient labour of the terraces.” Apart from metalwork “in every other respect their civilisation betrays a relapse into barbarism [.]” He sees the society produced by the Celtic overrunning of the megalithic civilisation as “an intermingling of idea, custom and faith between a broken civilisation and its barbarian overlords. The Celts lost certain elements of megalithic culture and retained others in a garbled, traditional, and moribund form”. Massingham was affected by the Great War in some way I can’t reconstruct. He saw the Celts as the inventors of warfare: “So for as we can gather, organized warfare, as an absorbing occupation for men, did not seriously develop in Western Europe before the last millennium BC, when the waves of Celtic invasion and intertribal conflict crumbled the stability of the megalithic period.“ At some deep emotional level he identifies them with the “Central Powers” of the time - something boastful and malevolent that came out of central Europe.  

An early appearance of the Celts (Keltoi) is in accounts of Alexander meeting, in around 330 BC, an army of them, across a river, north of Macedonia. The Greeks were likely to find a name for such a striking phenomenon as an army from central Europe appearing on their borders. But this kinetic, aggressive, and inherently unstable military entity did not straightforwardly match onto a society -something inherently stable, productive, and settled. The size of that army does not prove that its members came from one single tribe. The record of a Greek name for the mercenaries or invaders who poured down through the Balkans does not show that there was one people, of huge numbers, who were also the Celts. Still less, that there was one people which inhabited all Europe from Bohemia to Ireland.

 

Massingham was a spinner of robust fantasies rather than a thinker. It is touching nonetheless to see two ideas which he was attracted to. First, the idea that folk dances of modern times were faithful records of prehistoric events. Secondly, the association of the arrival of metals with the decline of cultural standards: something which we find among the hippy writers of the late 1960s, and which they had probably picked up directly from Massingham’s later books, still in print. Another idea is the correspondence of high cultures and peripheral ones, with the latter producing wretched and yet faithful imitations of the fabulous productions of the great cultural centres.

 

The relevance of Massingham (who had no background in research) is that he casts a side-light on the people who identified the Celts with the archaeological cultures of Hallstatt and La Tene: the evidence of that time allowed only wild conjectures. But also, that Massingham is right about the warrior aspect of what Classical historians record about the Celts: quite possibly the Celts were not a people but a phase, a state of excitement which some people enter into, forming armies and invading other countries, and the word “Celt” is not a people at all. The militarism is so prominent in all that the Classical writers record. This does not fit very well with an entire society. The people of Central Europe were an agricultural society - which does not exclude them being a militarised agricultural society. However, if there was a military identity which allowed mobile armies to form, including armies composed of individualist from any different ethnic groups, that identity might be what the word “Celt” (Keltoi, celtae) is a label for.

 

There is a classic analysis in Malcolm Chapman’s book about Celticity in which he describes the use of the word Keltoi, throughout Anna Comnena’s 12th century Byzantine history, to refer to the Franks, who were a pest from the west afflicting Byzantium in her time. You can take this as simply a mistake (the Franks could not be Celts) or as a loyal continuation of Greek semantics and social categorisation which had persisted, in a rigidly conservative and learned society, and exactly reflected what the word Keltoi had meant in 300 BC: a military entity, of Western origins, kinetically swarming, which overflowed proper territorial boundaries and was out to cause untold damage to Greek communities. This military activity was institutionally close to the profession of being a mercenary: as mercenaries, warriors, essentially not functioning in ethnic units, acquired the knowledge of geography and tactics which were the basis for being marauders and invaders. The predatory armies were a product of the surplus wealth of southern neighbours; the temptation of loot was able to unite mobile individuals from many tribes in one unit, a shared endeavour. Massingham’s strictures might, thus, not be so far short of the mark.

 

If the Celts were just a phase of the social reality of much larger and more permanent social identities, they could not be the ancestors of Insular societies. Moreover, most people speaking the Celtic languages were not susceptible of being warriors, being female, children, or of a social status incompatible with acquiring the panoply, the equipment of costly metal and so on, which defined the warrior. In this model, the amazing geographical extensiveness of the Celtic realms resolves itself as simply a limited and incurious view of Central and North-west Europe: because armies came from that general direction, called in a classificatory fashion Celts, it seemed as if everyone living in vaguely that direction was Celtic. In fact the armies or armed bands were linked by mutual interest rather than by ethnic affiliation.

 

Another interpretation of the Celts is as an impact zone of mediation between the Mediterranean and the barbaric hinterland. That is, their behaviour would depend on geography more than ethnicity. There is a certain relationship not just between mercenaries and invasion, but between mercenaries and the import of slaves from the periphery.

 

Massingham had looked at the Classical sources and at the warrior-display nature of the artefacts most

cited by archaeologists describing Hallstatt and La Tene. The artefacts were surely useful to a particular section of society, to a function (male, warrior, mobile, “excited”) rather than to all the elements which we know those societies must have consisted of. They were not artefacts relevant to sheep and cattle, to wheat and barley, to cooking and keeping house. It followed that their distribution was not proof of ethnic relationship, instead of aspiration to a heroic ideal which could be transmitted by warfare. It could reflect the acceptance of rivalry between different families, and the mutual imitation of enemies. The splendid artefacts deposited in the graveyard of Hallstatt, and in the lake used as offering site of La Tene, were specialised and their extension to a whole society with all its inhabitants was a leap which was brilliant at establishing connections between different provinces but could also cast real social and ethnic relations into obscurity. As soon as you establish that it characterised the nobility rather than the peasantry, you have exposed the possibility that the signs of nobility drew on emulation and display which could unite families from ethnic groups which were not related, and also that the idea of the long distance was perhaps basic to aristocratic success, in establishing alliances and in acquiring artefacts - probably also in physical movement. This physical movement is encoded in the preoccupation with horse gear and chariots. The symbols of aristocracy were related to a function, that indeed of moving over long distances. The long distances explain how similar artefacts could be found over such a wide area, from Bohemia to (eventually) Ireland. This is surely a different phenomenon from ethnicity.

 

Massingham sees celticity as something disembodied from ethnic reality. If the phenomenon of militarism has such a long history in Europe, a history of success, actually, then we would not want to say that all militarised groups were ethnically related. This is a basis for arguing that the warrior nature of specific groups in Ireland and in Celtic Scotland did not necessarily reflect linear transmission from the militarism of Iron Age Central Europe: they were different kinds of military ideology, even if both shared a preoccupation with courage and with metallurgy and arms technology.

Central Europe was inhabited by Central Europeans rather than by a discrete group called Celts. The art style is not an index of ethnicity but rather of competition and aspiration to prestige. Speaking of “the La Tene area” does not imply a central political authority or similar customs and laws, still less linguistic unity.

The Classical writers do not describe any Celtic state, still less a “Celtic empire”. There was no ethnic unity spanning wide areas of Iron Age Europe, this unity is just a blur caused by inaccurate observation by outsiders. The conditions of the period did not allow for large-scale political units.

 

 

 The third ring: Celtic languages

The linguistic traces of a Celtic language family do not correlate with the La Tene or Hallstatt style areas and in fact there is no linguistic evidence of relevant date for most of those areas. The geography of Celtic languages before writing is wholly unclear. The evidence for Celtic languages in the Hallstatt area is remarkably thin. The basis for attributing Celticity to the Hallstatt geographical area was weak throughout the career of that theory. There was a total lack of evidence of appropriate date, and the evidence from a thousand years later did not show what people wished it to show. The exhibition catalogue (for Hallstatt) is noncommittal about the Hallstatt= Celts equation. The situation is different for La Tene, where we have quite good evidence for the linguistic Celticity of Northern Gaul, and northern Gaul is a key part of the geographical extent of the La Tene style. This is a momentous withdrawal. If the artefact style of Hallstatt gave rise to La Tene, and Hallstatt was not the artisanal work of speakers of a Celtic language, the basis for linking La Tene with Celticity is seriously weakened.

A major advance in 20th century archaeology was the hypothesis that an area with a coherent set of deposited artefacts also represented an ethnic group - as in 20th century Europe. This hypothesis is no longer accepted by the majority of archaeologists, certainly in Western Europe and North America. So beside the Hubert thesis that the La Tene artefact area has the same borders as those of an ethnic group, the Celts, we can place another thesis, that La Tene represents a horizon of imitation, where elites over an extraordinarily wide area see the prestige latent in certain very showy, parade, artefacts, preciously worked, and acquire imitations of themselves - by importing artisans, importing patterns, or importing them as finished goods. The idea of a sword can spread from one tribe to another and in fact the source of the transfer may be battles caused by ethnic rivalry. So the use of a swor does not prove who your grandparents were. The archaeology of those cultures was unfortunately focused on the showy artefacts, possibly available to very few people, rather than on subsistence patterns.  This “horizon of imitation” idea itself needs testing, naturally.

 

The makers of La Tene artefacts may have spoken half a dozen different languages. Some of them certainly spoke Gaulish (P-Celtic). But that just shows that the ethnicity of those artefact styles is problematic. More probably they are exactly artefact styles and not the authentic and unfakable utterance of an ethnic ideology and self-image, which itself would have to be confined to speakers of one language, or perhaps three or four closely related ones. In fact, they were a variant on Etruscan artefacts, which themselves had strong influences from imported Greek gear.

If we give up the Celtic identity of Hallstatt, because there is no evidence for it, then we have to give up the binding link between La Tene and Celts, because La Tene clearly is the successor to Hallstatt. In this case, the westward impulse which carries the centre of La Tene to the west of the centre of Hallstatt is no longer able to sustain a “westward movement theory” whereby population groups would continue westwards and bring languages of Central European origin to the British Isles. This vector just stops working. The cultural impulses which came from central Europe to Western Europe in Iron Age times, mighty as they were, did not carry the Celtic languages. The evidence for Celtic being spoken in Central Europe is very thin. Reference to Celts in Greek sources describe a warrior life-style but have no component of linguistic evidence. The place-name evidence, late as it is, shows a concentration of celticity in Northern Gaul. Extensions into the east with Singidunum (Belgrade) and Carrodunum (Cracow) bearing the -dunum formative which everyone agrees to be Celtic and linked to well-attested nouns and verbs in Irish, are a very thin scatter and easily explicable as migrations from west to east after 300 BC. The artefact styles which moved from east to west are not equatable with linguistic Celticity.

 

La Tene and Hallstatt artefacts are rare in Spain. However, Celtiberian is definitely of the Celtic language family. This was made clear by Tovar’s work of 1946. The Celtiberians do not link to Central Europe. This is another reason why the language evidence does not convincingly link Britain to central Europe. The discovery of the Botorritos bronzes, that is significant inscriptions in Celtiberian, in the 1970s, has provided further ammunition for developing theories about Celtic origins, leaving the Central European theory high and dry.

 

If these languages did not flow, in some way, from central Europe to Gaul and then to Britain, their historical geography must follow some other pattern. One recent suggestion is “Celtic from the West”, starting in south-west Spain and spreading by a seaborne route along the Atlantic seaboard to the British Isles.

 

Someone wrote an essay on a word in a Celtiberian inscription piricantam. This is in a partly syllabic script so it is credible that the pronunciation was really brigantem. This word also appears in Gaulish inscriptions and in two Welsh words, brenhin and braint. The intervocalic -g- is lost so we have brenhin, which means king (-nt- further becoming -nh-) and braint which means privilege or right, something appertaining to a king. Indeed, copyright is hawlfraint.

This word also appears in the name of a tribe in Northern England, the Brigantes. The older translation of the tribal name as “the high ones” probably needs to be replaced by something like the ones endowed with authority or the lords. There was a variant brigantinos which is the source of brenhin and of an Old Breton word, breenhin (?).

 

  The Iron Age was big on hill-forts. Some of these evolved into towns. In this context, the Celtiberian word for hill, briga, also came to mean “town“. So this word briga, which originally certainly meant something like “high, top” is related to the brigantes word - but has developed along a different route. I have to say, as well, that we don’t know what “piricantam” really means in Celtiberian - it looks like the words in Welsh etc. but its meaning as a social term expressing relations or distinctions in a Spanish society may have been distinctly different. The proliferation of the briga root gives us insight into the powers of this language, or cluster of languages, but it is also a reproof to us when we want to assign a meaning to a word in a language we hardly know. We recognise the root but without dense context we cannot say if that root meant in this vestment a hill or a legal privilege.

 

 

The fourth ring

 

 

This link Brigantem - brenhin – braint is a win. Quite clearly there are weak connections between Celtiberian, Gaulish, and Brittonic, and probably much stronger ones between Brittonic and Welsh. The area of “Celtic studies” does not immediately have to disband itself because the idea of Celticity has dissolved. There is an object of linguistic study. Forcing a separation between Continental Celtic and Insular Celtic is hardly tenable. However, the utterly fragmentary nature of the surviving ruins of Continental Celtic languages means that correlations with Insular Celtic can never be any more than fragments of those fragments. This is not the sort of structural material on which we can found large-scale historical theses. It is fascinating but is not for that reason useful. The advances in recovery and decipherment of Spanish inscriptions has brought a set of fundamental new possibilities to cleric  linguistics, and it would be irrational to suggest that this new evidence has been assimilated yet. The Celtic nature of this new material is conceded by most scholars.

 

The arrival in the Atlantic islands of Celtic languages, ancestral to Irish and British, is undated but does not seem to have involved any large-scale invasion. There is no “interruption horizon” which shows the arrival in Britain of a new group we could label “the Celts”. In deference to this, the British Iron Age is now populated by “Iron Age Britons” and not by “Celts”. This does not preclude the arrival of new technology, in an adaptation or imitation process related to what has happened in Europe since 1300 AD. The wish for artefacts to speak a language, and to utter in that language signs of ethnic identity, is a projection of 19th C nationalism. We want those dead but exciting humans to be our ancestors, that is extensions of us. For some reason we regard humans not related to us as not being proper objects to project imaginary emotions onto. This is not rational, since all humans are related. The imposition of boundaries, of property, is itself an imaginary act which has no sensible basis.

 

The entities with their different boundaries would have to be substantially the same, that is that people in the area of La Tene artefacts would have to be principally Celtic-speaking, and conversely that the principal area where Celtic languages were spoken would have to be within the boundaries where La Tene artefacts were found in generous quantities. To fulfil these conditions, we would have to know where Celtic was spoken in the relevant period, i.e. from BC 1000 to BC 0 for the Hallstatt and La Tene cultures. The statements asserted further that the spread of the Celtic languages was mapped by the spread of Hallstatt and La Tene, so that the theory also gives us an area of origin for the languages and a geography of their diffusion through Western Europe. All of these points were subject to testing in the light of later evidence, and all of them have failed to be substantiated.

 

There is a language group which survives, naturally, the withdrawal of the label “Celtic”. Gaelic and Welsh are real entities and the rather shadowy entities of Gaulish and Celtiberian are unmistakably related to them, as a family of Western Indo-European languages, whatever we choose to call them.

The speakers of the Insular Celtic languages were the inhabitants of the British Isles and later British prehistory is the history of those people. Labelling them, also, “Celts” may be a source of errors, given how little we know about who the Celts were. Linguistically, the Celts may just have been the western Europeans. This really is not telling us very much about sociology. This leaves us with a puzzle about how Western IE languages (referred to as “Celtic”) came to the islands. Since they are found there by 100 AD at latest, they must have come there at some date. They must have come from the east because they are related to languages spoken in Greece and the Ukraine. We may have “cumulative indo-europeanicity” to complement Hawkes’ compelling idea of “cumulative Celticity”.

  

Egocentricity

 



                    BIG people
BIG people armies MOVING VERY FAST wearing GOLD winning MATCHES ancestors of ME people LIKE ME REBEL HERO ARISTOCRATS living at ease in CONQUERED ESTATES and leaving BURIED TREASURE and yet thousands of years ago being ME and belonging to WHAT'S  MINE.

 

           
.

 

 
It is easy                  It's easy to see that narratives based on eye-grabbers like these have a popular appeal which more methodical                             evaluation of source material does not. Moreover, the primary attraction of archaeologists to the field of study, the infantile                      infantile component so to speak, may be of this greedy and starry-eyed nature, to be replaced in maturity by intellectual curiosity. Sadly, scholars are capable of nationalistic and other motives.


The relevance of this to poetry is that it displays the egocentric nature of identification, the psychological power of the in-group. When there is discussion about the reception of poetry by people from ethnic minorities, it is very plausible that not being in the in-group is a significant factor in the course of events, and that an idea of  pure interest in aesthetic form is not the most powerful factor. If you watch people spending so much energy projecting their self or their family back to 1000 BC, it is hard to avoid the feeling that when they identify with poetry they are affected by narcissism and group solidarity.
Addition. Belatedly I have found out that numismatists use the transcription birikantin for the word mentioned above. This let me find out that it appears as the only word on several coins, and that these were found in the Narbonne area of France. My recollection is that other inscriptions from this area, however few, were Iberian and not Celtiberian. So possibly this coin legend (in the Iberian syllabic script) is not Celtic at all. But I suspect that it is Celtic and corresponds to well-known place-names of the form brigantium (possibly Brigantion), ancestral to Bregenz, Briancon, and several others. I doubt it was just brigantin but coin legends habitually curtail words.
One comment – some Internet pages record the idea that “brenhin” (from brigantinos) originally meant “the Brigantian” and slid semantically to mean “lord” because the Brigantii were the top people. I find this problematic and I don’t think there is evidence that the Brigantii as a political formation had survived the Roman occupation. Since “briga” certainly means ”what is high”, and “high” is a common metaphor for people who wield social authority, it is simpler to guess that the word for “high person” meant “lord” and then “king”, and skip the Brigantii altogether. Their tribal name presumably meant “the lords”, a self-aggrandising epithet.
Since the root means “tip (of a growing plant)” in Welsh and Gaelic, it is likely that “tip, top” is the oldest meaning and that even the meaning “hill” is a secondary development. I have just been looking at an essay on folklore from Islay which gives a recipe for making tea from a local plant, saying that you boil it to extract the “briogh”, meaning “essence” (or flavour) in this case. Once you get really involved in the word-group around the root brig-, you will wish you’d never started. The point still stands that you can connect Celtiberian with Insular Celtic word-forms and celtoscepticism does not doubt these connections. The grouping of variants (so that you have briga, brigant, and then also brigantin-) found at both ends makes the link especially convincing.
Brig- is quite close to the Germanic version of the same root, i.e. berg, but we can keep them apart. Other languages may have had similar versions of the same root. An instance of that third language would be an exotic find.


 

 

 

 

 

Prynne's runic poem

Prynne's runic poem

Lunchy claimed, in his review of not-you (published as a fugitive leaflet and as part of the internet angel exhaust thirteen), that the Runic Poem in Prynne's Poems 1982 was non-semantic. My transcription of the runic poem is as follows:

BBB aelu bbb sefatorn  bbb aelu
BBB-th- ciserbeam bith beobrod
Beorhtlic s g beon beobearn w
I bearu deorc beoth lifbeag ae
BBB aelu bbb sefatorn  bbb aelu
BBB

The form of the runes demonstrates them to be Anglo-Saxon (strictly, anglo-frisian), which at once suggests that the language too is anglo-saxon. I would amend aelu to alu, a magical word much used in runic bracteates; it also means ale in AS. There is a kind of rune called, in an eddic poem, ale-runes (olrunar). New Scientist (12/8/95) tells me that 'in human chromosomes for example a 282 base sequence known as "alu" occurs in about a million separate locations, comprising about 10 per cent of the entire genome': the point is that these sequences, like magical runes, are of unknown purpose. As for BBB, it is a meaningless magical string, as also much favoured in pagan inscriptions; i am inclined to compare the swaggering evocative string xxx associated with ale. The fourth group along, sefatorn, is a quote from the right hand side of the 8th century Northumbrian whalebone object known as the Franks casket, where it accompanies a picture whose meaning is unfortunately in dispute. One commentator says, 'there are few objects from the early eighth century which are as self-consciously clever as the Franks casket.' so for the top and bottom lines i translate: bbb ale (for) grief of mind bbb ale bbb. For the body text, i translate: cherry-tree is honeycomb/ bright let bee-children be/ (? In) grove dark are life-rings
     The heavy alliteration is that used in pagan runic inscriptions on objects. The target object would be, I suppose, a wooden drinking-cup, or mazer. The model is the gnomic poems, which also use this special form of the verb to be (ll. 2 and 4), which according to Heinrich Wagner comes from the welsh present-habitual (byddaf i, fe fyddaf i, etc.), opening ethnolinguistic perspectives which i will immediately close. Certainly it seems to indicate 'present-future' and 'habitual', like the Welsh tense. The link between alu and honey is that the classic intoxicant of those days was mead (bee-brew in as), whose alcohol content comes from the sugar in honey. Bee-bairns are presumably not frisky young bees, but a kenning for the product of pollination, i.e. Cherries. The link between pollination and DNA transcription is not hard to make. Lifbeag is not in the dictionary, but presumably, on the analogy of lifdagas, means annual ring; beag is a symbol of fidelity in as poems, and treow is a homophone which means both tree and faith. Beag is associated, in one of the gnomic poems, with bunum, cups: the trees drink through their phloem rings, the drink in cups is a proof (as are conventionally rings) of the lord's generosity; drinking-cups were usually wooden for the saxons, as were the mead-halls.
     It is only fair to point out that there is one letter which comes from the Scandinavian alphabet, and some spare letters which I can't fit into words. The non-AS rune is the lightning-flash sigrune rather familiar from the insignia on the collars of ss-uniforms. It is not unknown for single runes to stand for the word which is the name of that letter, as so-called ideographic runes; reading them so, the text would run:  thorn ciserbeam bith beobrod/ beorhtlic sigel gyfu beon beobearn wenne/ is bearu deorc beoth lifbeag aesc
     Allowing some of these nouns to be in oblique cases, I construe, hazardously: (?) Cherry tree is honeycomb/ brightly let cherry-fruit be joy through generosity of the sun/ (?) (ice) grove dark are life-rings of ash(wood)

This is not a satisfactory reading; I leave the aporias for someone more experienced in runic inscriptions and more fertile of conjecture than I am.
     I will add, as an anecdote, that Prynne told me that the visit to the shield on the cover of the oval window, on army land in Cumberland, involved a detour (by the army driver) to a large runic inscription on a cliff which JHP thought hadn't been recorded by anyone. This, however, was well after Poems (1982).
     The assumption that the runic poem is non-semantic is a bit wobbligato. Lunch wanted it to be non-semantic, but if you see a poem made of letters it is not automatically true that the letters don't form words.